Not final until 8:30 but likely the 1NC


T – Fed poverty line
  1. Definitions – Poverty is defined by the Federal Poverty Line
OCPP, Oregon Center for Public Policy, 09
OCPP, Oregon Center for Public Policy, “Federal Government Issues New Poverty Line for 2009,” January 23, 2009, __ display.cgi?page= nr20090123Povert__ [Tom]

The 2009 Federal Poverty Income Guidelines, published in today’s Federal Register, set the definition of poverty that Oregon uses to determine eligibility for programs such as child care subsidies, Head Start, food stamps, school lunches, energy assistance and some health care programs. The poverty guidelines vary by family size. This year, for example, a family of three with an annual income of $18,310 or under qualifies as poor, up from $17,600 in 2008. A four-person family would be poor if their annual income is $22,050 or less.

For declares the targets of social services
Cambridge Dictionary, 2k
Cambridge University Press p.334

For – prep. Intended to be given to; having to purpose of because of, as a result of (doing something); instead of, to help; considering (something or someone with reference to things or people as the usually are); in support or relation to (someone or something); in support of or agreement with

B. Violation – The aff targets persons outside of poverty instead of all persons in poverty
  1. Standards
    1. Limits – failure to limit eligibility to persons in poverty explodes the topic – every government policy affects persons in poverty
    2. Ground – universal counterplans and criticisms of the federal poverty line are core negative ground
3. Xtra-T – we can’t predict what other groups of people they’ll offer their social service to – makes it impossible to prepare
4. Contextuality – our definition of poverty is the most predictable because it’s defined by the resolutional actor – when the usfg enacts poverty policies, this is the definition they turn to
D. Voter for education and fairness

2 – CAP K (short shell in generic)
3 – Health Care Politics (with link below)
Services for sex workers are unpopular
Monet 07
(Veronica Monet, Sex Workers Outreach Projects. 12/4/07. “The Fear that Feeds the Falsehood.” < >)

Any discussion of legalizing or decriminalizing prostitution in the United States, inevitably leads to the controversy surrounding mandatory testing of prostitutes for STIs and HIV. Although the sex worker’s rights organization, SWOP-USA (****) is launching a tri-city (San Francisco, Berkeley and Oakland, California) effort to decriminalize, prostitution is currently illegal in the United States, with the exception of a few licensed brothels in rural counties of the state of Nevada. According to the Nevada State Health Division AIDS Program sex workers in Nevada's licensed brothels, must be screened prior to working for Chlamydia, Gonorrhea, Syphilis, and HIV. If they are found positive for Chlamydia, Gonorrhea, or Syphilis, they cannot begin work until they are adequately treated, followed-up, and test negative on a subsequent test. For HIV, they are barred from working for life. Once a sex worker begins working in the Nevada brothels, they are tested weekly for Chlamydia and Gonorrhea, and monthly for Syphilis and HIV. (1)

  1. CP Text: The fifty state governments of the United States federal government and all relevant territories should give all necessary resources to non-governmental organizations for the provision of social services to sex workers in the United States.
State action leads to more effective federal action than the plan by spurring grassroots, Congressional, and international initiative

Dylan Golden 99 (Dylan, J.D. Candidate, University of California School of Law, “The Politics of Carbon Dioxide Emissions Reductions” – UCLA Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, p. lexis)
State legislatures also provide a forum to raise issues and change perceptions. State environmental policy frequently influences Congress. State action increases the feasibility of federal action because: familiarity aids the political process, legislators understand the politics in terms of income, consumption and their regional interests, administrative agencies know how to administrate and may estimate impacts, interest groups know where they stand, and practical experience can guide legislative drafting. Such grassroots action may also stimulate support among the populous by encouraging people to take personal responsibility for the environment. Action at the state level may also spur more informed federal action, which in turn could spur international action.
States Can solve modeling – TANF proves
Foy, PH. D in Poli Sci, Notre Dame , 2005
(2/05, Foy, Joseph, "Applying the New Federalism of 1996 Governors and Welfare Reform" theses/available/etd-120620051 45350/unrestricted/ FoyJJ122005.pdf)

On the issue of dependency, states also were able to assert themselves into the forefront of legislative discussion at the national level. Governor Tommy Thompson issued one of the nation’s earliest and most comprehensive welfare reform packages for the state of Wisconsin. Known as “Wisconsin Works,” or W-2, Thompson’s welfare initiative not only proposed a number of programmatic and administrative changes in his state’s welfare system, but also struck a blow at one of the most controversial elements of welfare under AFDC – guaranteed entitlement to aid.23 Although the passage and implementation of W-2 did not fully replace AFDC in Wisconsin until September 1997, President Clinton was already offering his support for the program in May 1996. On June 6, 1996, the U.S. House of Representatives voted to support H.R. 3562, authorizing Wisconsin to implement its Works program on a statewide, trial basis. This program was to act as a demonstration of the ability of the states to develop and run their own welfare systems in ways that would better meet the needs of their citizens. By emphasizing work programs as an alternative to guaranteed entitlement to aid, Governor Thompson was attempting to resolve the controversy surrounding welfare dependency. His efforts to innovate welfare in his state acted as both an example and a catalyst for federal reforms, and helped to thrust governors into a stronger role as program designers and implementers for social welfare policies in their states. It was due to Thompson’s initiative and success that helped to propel governors into a more direct leadership position in regards to welfare reform, and his example was soon to be followed by governors across the country after the passage of TANF replaced the long standing guarantee of aid programs of AFDC.

Case defense

Turn - Heteronormativity
Discussions of sex workers make invisible the presence of gay and lesbian sex workers
Noah D. Zatz 1997 “Sex Work/Sex Act: Law, Labor, and Desire in Constructions of Prostitution,” Signs, winter, p. 279, jstor, ellipses in original, JP
For the purposes of this article, prostitution might be provisionally defined as attending to the sexual desires of a particular individual (or individuals) with bodily acts in exchange for payment of money. Such a definition immediately raises several questions. First, are the actors just anyone? Many feminists have been inclined to say “no” emphatically, insisting on prostitution as paradigmatically women (presumed straight) selling to straight men. This approach renders invisible the fact that a significant number of prostitutes are lesbian or bisexual, that there is a significant amount involving sex between gay or bisexual men, and that there is a largely undocumented history of commercial sex between women.
Heteronormativity is horrible- reductionist.
Jen Bacon, Department of Language, Rensselear Polytechnic Institute, 1998, World Englishes, Volume 17, No. 2, p. 256, JP
I am not arguing against all forms of closure—but rather for an awareness of a tendency toward seeing closure as a given, and desirable goal. In our culture, there is a tendency toward heterosexuality—and there is nothing wrong with heterosexuality, but there is something very wrong with heteronormativity—with assuming heterosexuality as a given, and judging all sexuality according to that standard. Our rhetorical history carries with it a similar bias—a reductionist bias—that encourages us to judge all rhetorical acts by their ability to “persuade.” I would like us to consider the possibility that we might use other standards to assess the usefulness of rhetorical acts.
Gay and Lesbian Liberation Key to Human Liberation
Peter Tatchell, gay author and activist, INTERLINK, May/June 1989,. __ masculinity/gay%20libe__ration. htm, JP
Lesbian and gay liberation is therefore not an issue which is peripheral. It is, indeed absolutely central to revolutionary change and human liberation in general. Without the successful construction of a cult of heterosexual masculinity and mass of aggressive male egos, neither sexual, class, racial, species, nor imperialist oppression are possible. All these different forms of oppression depend on two factors for their continued maintenance. First, on specific economic and political structures. And second, on a significant proportion of the population, mainly heterosexual men, being socialised into the acceptance of harsh masculine values which involve the legitimisation of aggression and the suppression of gentleness and emotion.
Plan cannot solve because prostitution sustains social inequality of ALL women
Scott Anderson 2002 Ethics, The University of Chicago, July, http://www.journals.uchicago. journal/issues/v112n4/112424/ 112424.html, JP

the third plank of the institutional criticism of prostitution holds that prostitution plays a key role in sustaining the social inequality of women. It does so by defining women in general as sexual objects, available to any man who desires them. One of the most obvious facts about prostitution in our society, yet perhaps the hardest to take into account, is the degree to which prostitution and prostitutes attract our interest and serve as a stimulus for talk, jokes, stories, gazes—in short, as a source of our common titillation. But the stereotypes that are conjured by our common consciousness provide images not just of prostitutes but of women more generally.15 Political theorist Carole Pateman connects this demonstrative effect of prostitution to the history of women's oppression: "When women's bodies are on sale as commodities in the capitalist market, the terms of the original [sexual] contract cannot be forgotten; the law of male sex-right is publicly affirmed, and men gain public acknowledgment as women's sexual masters—that is what's wrong with prostitution."16 Prostitution thus supports a pernicious stereotype of what women are for and reinforces our society's tendency to view women first and foremost in sexual terms.

Social Services to sex workers just legitimize the industry and further patriarchy.
Nolan, NGO representative, 06
(Sr. Clare Nolan, MSW, NGO representative of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd to the United Nations's Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), Dec. 18, 2006, http://prostitution.procon. org/viewanswers.asp? questionID=125)
"[W]hen the prostitution of women is accepted as a legally and socially accepted activity, it decreases any incentive for the government to develop real employment opportunities and educational and skills development projects for women - 'Oh, well, those poor women can always survive by giving themselves over to being prostituted' – and it begins a circular belief that they actually enjoy being prostituted, which leads to normalizing this human rights abuse….on and on… with very little social analysis that links the prostitution of women with the current economic status of women or the social status with in patriarchal cultures. Thus the government becomes more and more embedded in the status quo inequality of women and the systems that support such inequality."
Real economic opportunities for sex workers are crowded out by social services.
Raymond, CATW, 04
(Janice Raymond, PhD, former Co-Executive Director of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW), Oct. 1, 2004 Violence Against Women journal, http://prostitution.procon. org/viewanswers.asp? questionID=125)
"Rather than economic opportunity for women, state-sponsored prostitution is economic opportunism. The most glaring evidence of women's economic marginalization and social inequality is the rampant commodification of women in prostitution, sex trafficking, sex tourism, and mail-order-bride industries. In a context of severe global economic decline, it seems the height of economic opportunism to argue for the recognition of the sex industry based on transforming women's sexual and economic exploitation into legitimate work. Actual unemployment of women is disguised by the fact that large numbers of women are limited to the 'employment' of prostitution and other 'jobs' in the sex industry."

More Case defense