Not final until 8:30 but this is likely the 1NC

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Topicality – poverty
A) Interpretation
Poverty is the lack of vital resources
A Dictionary of Public Health 07

(“poverty” <http://www.oxfordreference. com/views/ENTRY.html?subview= Main&entry=t235.e3604>


poverty The condition of having insufficient resources to obtain or provide the necessities of life.


B) Violation
The plan only changes the law to allow funding for class action suits. Anyone who desires one can file suits. The plan is targeted for every US citizen, not just persons living in poverty.

C) Standards

1. Limits – The definition limits the aff ground of debate to a predictable ground for negative research. The definition is from a common and continuously updating dictionary to be up-to-date, hence the most predictable. If a plan that helps everyone in the US is allowed, then anything, such as electing senators who support world peace, could be topical since they would strive to pass laws that are beneficial to everyone. This limit checks aff ground and is key to negative fairness.

2. Bright line – This definition sets up a beacon of the debate round to allow relevant arguments to be made concerning the topic. There is no need to sacrifice time for irrelevancy. This is key to topic specific education because it prevents us from debating universal policies such as tax cuts.

3. Extra topicality – At best the affirmative is extra topical. They are opening a service up to everyone and hoping that persons living in poverty will come take it. If the affirmative is allowed to do this, it justifies cases such as green jobs because those in poverty are more likely to be unemployed.

D) Since our interpretation clears the snag of irrelevance in the round to promote educational debate while ensuring fairness of negative research burden, vote neg to set a precedent of beneficial debate.

Positive Incentives CP
Text: The United States federal government should offer positive incentives for businesses to not practice environmentally destructive practices in impoverished areas.

1. The Counter plan solves for both advantages. It stops the environmental impacts from these businesses to solve for environmental justice. We solve for their civic engagement advantage because we are promoting social justice and equality.
Positive incentives better influence business action
Journal of Business Ethics, 04
(John C. Ruhka and Heidi Boerstler, 11/30/04 __http://www.springerlink.com/ content/px04170562666117/__)
This article presents an overview of traditional legal and regulatory incentives directed at achieving lawful corporate behavior, together with examples of more recent governmental incentives aimed at encouraging self regulation activities by corporations. These incentives have been differentiated into positive incentives that benefit corporations for actions that encourage or assist lawful behavior, and punitive incentives that only punish corporations for violations of legal or regulatory standards. This analysis indicates that traditional legal and regulatory incentives for lawful corporate behavior are overwhelmingly punitive in their intended effects, while more recent governmental incentives to encourage voluntary corporate self regulation are much more positive in their intended effects.A prototype private compliance system containing typical features specified in governmental incentives for corporate self regulation was then analyzed applying the same positive/punitive analysis that was performed with the governmental incentives. This analysis suggests that corporate compliance programs that are structured to comply with Department of Defense regulations for defense contractors or the new Federal Organizational Sentencing Guidelines will reflect the same overwhelmingly punitive balance of incentives for lawful and ethical employee conduct as do the traditional legal and regulatory incentive systems for lawful corporate behavior.

Solves pollution
Positive incentives solve pollution
Roberts, No Date
(Stavins, Robert N. "Economic Incentives for Environmental Regulation." Discussion Paper E-97-02, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University__http://belfercenter. ksg.harvard.edu/publication/ 2810/economic_incentives_for_ environmental_regulation.html__)
Economic-incentive instruments are regulations that encourage behavior through price signals rather than through explicit instructions on pollution control levels or methods. These policy instruments, such as tradable permits and pollution charges, have been described as "harnessing market forces," because if they are properly implemented, they encourage firms to undertake pollution control efforts that are in their financial self-interest and that will collectively meet policy goals.Economic-incentive instruments have captured the attention of environmental policy makers in recent years because of the potential advantages they offer over traditional command-and-control approaches. In theory, properly designed and implemented economic-incentive instruments allow any desired level of pollution cleanup to be realized at the lowest possible overall cost to society, because they provide incentives for the greatest reductions in pollution by those firms that can achieve these reductions most cheaply.Rather than equalizing pollution levels among firms, economic-incentive instruments equalize the incremental amount that firms spend to reduce their pollution (their marginal abatement costs).Economic-incentive instruments can be divided into five categories. Pollution charge systems assess a fee or tax on the amoung of pollution a firm generates. Tradable permits can achieve the same cost-minimizing allocation of the pollution control burden as a charge system, while avoiding the problem of uncertain responses by firms. A special case of a pollution tax is a deposit refund system, under which consumers pay a surcharge when purchasing potentially polluting products, and receive a rebate when returning the the product to an approved center for recycling or proper disposal. Reducing market barriers can also help to curb pollution, since, in some cases, substantial gains can be made in environmental protection simply by removing existing government-mandated barriers to market activity. Finally, elimination of government subsidies can be a powerful economic incentive for environmental protection, because some subsidies promote inefficient and environmentally unsound economic development.There have been six major applications of economic-incentive instruments in the United States: the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency''s (EPA) Emission Trading Program, the leaded gasoline phasedown, water quality permit trading, chloroflourocarbon (CFC) trading, the SO2 allowance for acid rain control, and the RECLAIM program in the Los Angeles metropolitan region.
Positive incentives solves predatory lending
Carr and Kolluri, 01
(James H. CarrSenior Vice President, Fannie Mae FoundationLopa KolluriSenior Community Finance Consultant, Innovation Unit Fannie Mae Foundation, 2001,__http://www.knowledgeplex. org/kp/text_document_summary/ article/relfiles/hot_topics/ Carr-Kolluri.pdf__)
joint U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and U.S. Treasury DepartmentTask Force on Predatory Lending has conducted five field forums around the country and, based on its findings, proposed a four-point plan to address predatory lending practices. The plan isdetailed in the report, “Curbing Predatory Home Mortgage Lending,” summarized below. The full report is available at: www.huduser.org/publications/ hsgfin/curbing.html. 1.Provide improved disclosures to borrowers and enhance consumer literacy. Require creditors to recommend that high-cost loan applicants seek home mortgage counseling, disclose credit scores on request, and provide better information on loan costs and terms. 2.Prohibit damaging or unfair lending practices. Loan flipping and lending to borrowers without regard to their ability to repay should be prohibited, and brokers and lenders should be required to provide greater documentation of loan and payment history. 3.Restrict abusive terms and conditions on high-cost loans, including balloon payments, prepayment penalties, and the financing of points and fees; prohibit mandatory arbitration agreements on high-cost loans; and ban single-premium credit life insurance. 4.Use Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) credit to create a positive incentive structure for banks and thrifts. Grant CRA credit to institutions that promote borrowers from the subprime to prime mortgage market, and deny CRA credit to institutions that originate or purchase loans that violate applicable lending laws.

Business confidence DA
Investor confidence up – surveys and benchmark index
Anusha Shrivastava, Dow Jones Newswires, 7/21/2009 (http://online.wsj.com/ article/BT-CO-20090721-715243. html)
Investors continue to favor investment-grade corporate debt, causing risk premiums to drop. Wal-Mart's (WMT) 6.2% issue due 2038, which was reopened Monday for a spread of 130 basis points over Treasurys, was recently quoted at 117 basis points over Treasurys on 45 trades. Citigroup's (C) 8.125% 30-year note priced Monday at 380 basis points over Treasurys traded as tight as 351 basis points over Treasurys Tuesday. It was recently quoted at 377 basis points over Treasurys on 104 trades, according to MarketAxess. "Allocations to corporates are at decade highs, according to Stone & McCarthy's manager surveys, and look poised to increase more," wrote FTN Financial's Jim Vogel. A lot of investors were waiting for spreads to widen, and then had to scramble to get bonds, said Richard Lee, managing director of fixed-income trading at Wall Street Access, a broker-dealer in New York. But there aren't enough bonds in the secondary market, because of brokers paring back, and the lack of liquidity is exaggerating the moves tighter, he said. Still, investor confidence is much stronger than before. "People feel comfortable that the markets are in a better shape than they were six months ago," Lee said. The benchmark high-grade derivatives index, the Markit CDX North America Investment Grade IG12, was recently quoted at 124 basis points, according to CMA DataVision. The index closed at 125 basis points, according to Markit. Credit default swaps on Caterpillar Financial Services, the financing arm of the heavy equipment maker, tightened as Caterpillar (CAT) beat earnings expectations. The annual cost to insure senior bonds against default for five years was $182,500, compared to $255,000 Monday, according to CMA DataVision.

Investors will perceive the plan as anti-business, crushing confidence in business
Mintzer Schwartz1992 Confronting Climate Change: Risks implications and Responses, pg. 283
There are many impediments to environmental reforms but the principal obstacles, particularly in the United States are psychological and philosophical rather than economic. While European corporations tend to treat environmental regulations as a part of the operating environment, US business leaders seem to share a residual feeling that environmental regulations are part of an anti-business, anti-progress political agenda. Richard Darman, Director of the Federal Office of Management and Budget, articulated this paranoia when he argued that the goal of US policy was not to “make the world safe for green vegetable.” This prejudice—coupled with the short-term orientation of the investment community and a naturally adversarial business environment—has resulted in suspicion towards environmental issues.
Loss of investor confidence will destroy the US economy
Crooks, 02
Ed Crooks (Economics Editor) July 24 2002, Financial Times
Another reason to take business opinions seriously is that executives are not just forecasting economic growth but contributing to it through their investment decisions. As John Maynard Keynes put it in the General Theory back in 1936, investment decisions are based not just on rational calculation but on the "animal spirits" of investors and company chiefs. "If the animal spirits are dimmed and the spontaneous optimism falters At the World Economic Forum which was held in New York at the beginning of the year, there was a sharp contrast between the caution of most executives and the boosterism of the politicians, especially those belonging to the US administration. Six months later, the politicians' faith in the resumption of economic growth has proved justified. But the executives' downbeat tone has been a more reliable indicator of the prevailing public mood. The FT's survey of the world's leading companies, and more formal surveys of business opinion worldwide, suggest that this troubled mood will persist. It was the decline in business investment that led to last year's economic slowdown, and any strong recovery will depend on companies deciding it is time to invest again. Indeed, in the US investment is particularly significant, not just for its contribution to growth but also because it is seen as drivingthe faster rate of productivity growth,which seems to be one, perhaps the only, lasting positive legacy from the 1990s boom. The fear is that, if investmentcontinues tostagnate, US productivity growth may dry up, too. If so, one of the last props supporting confidence in the US economy and markets will be kicked away.

Economic collapse causes World War Three
Mead, 9 – Henry A. Kissinger Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations
(Walter Russell, “Only Makes You Stronger,” The New Republic, 2/4/09,
__http://www.tnr.com/politics/ story.html?id=571cbbb9-2887- 4d81-8542-92e83915f5f8&p=2__)
History may suggest that financial crises actually help capitalist great powers maintain their leads--but it has other, less reassuring messages as well. If financial crises have been a normal part of life during the 300-year rise of the liberal capitalist system under the Anglophone powers, so has war. The wars of the League of Augsburg and the Spanish Succession; the Seven Years War; the American Revolution; the Napoleonic Wars; the two World Wars; the cold war: The list of wars is almost as long as the list of financial crises. Bad economic times can breed wars. Europe was a pretty peaceful place in 1928, but the Depression poisoned German public opinion and helped bring Adolf Hitler to power. If the current crisis turns into a depression, what rough beasts might start slouching toward Moscow, Karachi, Beijing, or New Delhi to be born? The United States may not, yet, decline, but, if we can't get the world economy back on track, we may still have to fight.

Biopower K


Singling groups out for aid results in politically motivated problem construction and labeling that exacerbates stereotyping and scapegoating
Schram, prof social theory and policy @ Bryn Mawr College, 95
(Sanford F. Schram, professor of social theory and policy at Bryn Mawr College, 1995, words of welfare: The Poverty of Social Science and the Social Science of Poverty, pg. 137- 139 “The JOBS program’s symbolic…and not the job market”)

The JOBS program's symbolic character is accentuated by the categori- cal nature of the program. Historically, welfare policy in the United States has resulted in highly fragmented, specialized, and categorical programs for distinctive populations, such as women with children." The JOBS pro- gram is consistent with this approach to social policy, and may be a para- digmatic case of this sort of specialism. Specialism in policy-that is, a separate policy to treat a distinctive problem specific to a particular group - implies that the group is different and in need of special treatment.79 This type of targeting may be necessary in some cases, including female-headed families on welfare, but such categorization also facilitates the symbolism of welfare policy. Welfare becomes more a matter of treating defined prob- lems and meeting imputed needs than of providing people with resources. Poor people receive aid only if they can prove they are poor. Such policies can become self-fulfilling prophecies, with people organizing their lives to qualify for aid rather than using aid to change their lives for the better.'() And once people can no longer show they fall within the category to be as- sisted they cannot receive such aid even if they still need it. Welfare becomes a policy dedicated more to treating a conceptualized problem than to help- ing people cope with their specific circumstances."


In the case of the JOBS program, targeting suggests that it is not so much about improving the long-run self-sufficiency of the poor in general, or even poor families as a specific group, but that JOBS aims mainly at reducing welfare dependency. The JOBS program arises within the highly charged constellation of related concerns about related problems -deterioration of inner-city schools, the rise in births to unmarried teens, growing jobless- ness, increased drug abuse and crime -all of which are often seen as con- centrated among racial minorities and culminating in welfare dependency. By targeting only the AFDC population, the JOBS program addresses these problems strictly in terms of reducing welfare dependency. Such targeting unavoidably means treating only one arguably superficial aspect of a larger problem, without necessarily improving the material conditions of the wel- fare recipients or of the poor in general. In addition, the program is largely interested in reducing the welfare dependency of a particular subpopula- tion-women with children. Although male-headed families can partici- pate, they are not the primary focus of the program. All other poor - cou- ples, childless singles, and so on-do not fall within the purview of the program. Despite its symbolism, the program is not about promoting self- sufficiency among the poor generally, but rather about reducing the wel- fare dependency of a particular group of families.


A separate program for women with children on welfare is all the more logical when the aim is to reduce their welfare dependency without chal- lenging dominant but contradictory notions of work, motherhood, and family." The JOBS program singles out largely female heads of welfare families for specialized treatment, but without being tailored to their par- ticular problems as single mothers who have to shoulder full responsibility for work both at home and on the job. It adopts an androcentric approach that ends up unfairly holding these women with children to the same stan- dards as other families. Single mothers, for instance, might get training and they might even get jobs, but whether they will draw a "family wage" from the labor market in a way that enables them tofulfill their responsibilities at home remains doubtful. This is in no small part because the subtext of the Family Support Act is still tied to dominant notions of work, mother- hood, and family. The Family Support Act perpetuates the distinction be- tween nurturing and work in contradictory ways to the disadvantage of women with children. Mothering does not count as work and in most cases will not constitute an exemption from work requirements, and the idea that mothers should be able to earn a wage to support a family is not considered. Participants in such programs will therefore not really be ex- pected to obtain such employment. About two-thirds of all AFDC families are composed of women with children under the age of 6, and many of them will probably remain outside of the purview of the JOBS program, at best affected by it symbolically. Even most program participants will be- come actors in a symbolic exercise more than beneficiaries of programs that will enable them to work their way out of poverty. Continuing on wel- fare, working in poverty-wage jobs, and marrying will most often remain their substantive, if limited, options. Holding many of the single women with children who receive welfare to the same standard as wage earners from middle-class and often two-wage-earning families is unrealistic as well as unfair in an economy that tends not to offer family wage jobs for these women.


There are other dangers in singling out welfare recipients as being in need of specialized job services. First, it can contribute to labeling the tar- geted group as different. This can, in turn, all too easily slide into suggest- ing that there are characteristics or traits specific to that economic, cul- tural, or racial group that are the primary reasons for their problems, which can lead to blaming them for their problems and holding them responsible for failing to measure up to standards implicit in welfare policy. This often culminates in specifying the problem to be attacked as one that should be treated by professionals who are trained in counseling such individuals on how to change their behavior. In many ways, this is the narrative implicit in the call of the JOBS program for a separate, distinctive work program for welfare recipients: it is the welfare recipients who need to change, and not the job market."-'



Attempting to narrate for the poor establishes an us vs. them dichotomy that oversimplifies political and economic context and reinforces stereotypes
Schram, prof social theory and policy @ Bryn Mawr College, 95
(Sanford F. Schram, professor of social theory and policy at Bryn Mawr College, 1995, words of welfare: The Poverty of Social Science and the Social Science of Poverty, pg. 46-49 “According to Michel…in the face of grinding poverty.”)

According to Michel Foucault, most social statistics operate as the science of the state, aggregating social practices into reified populations, whose mean and range serve to define, rather than reflect, norms and margins.27 Statistical work most often is used then to identify repetitions that can be used to suggest ways for regulating individuated behavior to conform to such norms. Yet ethnography also risks replicating the myth of individua- tion that underlies social statistics. Glazer was hoping for a more up-close and personal representation that would allow him to capture the "culture of poverty."" The researcher, like the tourist or the fieldworker in an exotic land, would get to know the "alien other" so as to see how they were and were not like "us." Yet the "us/them" divide implicit in such a formulation reencodes the opportunity to read "the poor" as the negative referent they have been historically, especially for liberal, individualist, capitalist moder- nity, with its insistence on achieving through the market the identity of a self-sufficient autonomous self. Reading the poor in this way revisits the opportunity to say good things about "us" by contrast with "them!' Ethnog- raphy of the poor, in Glazer's hands, would risk becoming a reassuring tale of how the "not poor" are to be understood." Patricia Cough's critique of ethnography underscores how it glosses over its own animating impulses to make sense of the viewing subject by inter- preting the viewed object.° Ethnography's realism backgrounds the psy- choanalytic subtext that helps construct the narrative used to depict those who are viewed. Ethnography's narrative subtext can be read to be about the ethnographer's attempt to break with tradition, authority, established knowledge, or ascendant empirical understandings by showing how his or her ethnography makes an authoritative, original, genuinely new contribu- tion. This "oedipal" struggle invites the reader to identify with the narra- tive's subtextual insistence to make empirical claims that suggest that theviewed object can be best understood in coherent terms as an "other" from the particularviewpoint of the viewing subject. It is for this reason that realist narrativity can be said to function ideologically. Realist narrativity is ideological for making invisible the relays it produces between the terms it opposes. Especially important are the relays it produces between those oppositions upon which bourgeois individualism depends, such as self and society, nature and environment, sexuality and economy, private and public .... If, then, it is to be concluded that ethnography is informed with an oedipal logic of realist narrativity, developed through the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, it is because ethnography treats the subject's struggle for self-knowledge as a struggle to obtain factual representations ofempirical knowledge." The riddle of how knowledge is constructed is not solved by trying to make the false choice between allegedly factually objective statistics and authentically pure experience. Interrogating perspective must be matched by accounting for position, and both must appreciate the political impli-cations of how discourse narrates what is represented .12 If ethnography reenacts the psychoanalytic subtext of realist narratives, including other forms of empirical science, it also must address the positional issue of who gets to do ethnography on whom. In particular, to choose just one case of particu- lar relevance for studying welfare, what is at work when white, male, mid- dle-class social scientists are trying through ethnography to make sense of poor women of color? Ethnography as VoyeurismGlazer was right that ethnographic work would follow in his wake; how- ever, he hardly could predict that this genre would gain as much popularity as it has. In just the past few years, there have been numerous works using ethnographic depictions of the poor, including, to name just a few, Leslie Dunbar's The Common Interest, Susan Sheehan's Life for Me Ain't Been No Crystal Stair, John Schwarz and Thomas Volgy's The Forgotten Americans, Mark Rank's Living on the Edge, Mitchell Duneier's Slim's Table, Nicholas Lemann's The Promised Land, Alex Kotlowitz's There Are No Children Here, and William Julius Wilson's work on inner-city African American poor fam- ilies in Chicago." The last three of these in particular highlight the limita- tions of such work. Nicholas Lernann, born and raised in New Orleans, offers a book that moves back and forth between policy machinations in Washington, D.C., and the changing fortunes of black families moving from Clarksdale, Mis- sissippi, to Chicago, Illinois. Revised after earlier articles received criticism, the book jettisons an explicit "culture of poverty" argument.-14 Instead, by tracing migration from Clarksdale to Chicago and back, Lemann makes a more understated argument (about two-thirds of the way through the text) nd implies that the legacy of the sharecropping system broke the AfricanAmerican family and set it on the road to ruin.35 This cultural explanation is almost smothered by rich narratives of the families he studied. Their lives are hard, Only some of those who return South seem to get a reprieve. How this narrative underwrites the sharecropping thesis anymore than the bad statistical work of previous studies is left unexplained. Racism, eco- nomic dislocation, and political marginalization are mentioned, but the narrative continues to suggest that sharecropping and migration from the rural South to the urban North were critical factors in making poor, inner- city African American neighborhoods unlivable. Instead, Lemann remains intent on telling a tale of migration about southern sharecroppers, all the while backgrounding his own southern roots, which may very wen drive his insistence to tell a tale of how the South shaped the lives of those who left and those who returned.36 Alex Kotlowitz's ethnography of two young boys, Lafayette and Pharoah Rivers, from the Henry Homer Homes in Chicago is a withering tale of childhood hardship in one of the poorest neighborhoods in the United States. Kotlowitz stresses the psychic cost of growing up amid consistent violence, crime, drug abuse and drug trafficking, clashes with the police, and grinding poverty. In a moving narrative, Kotlowitz's preoccupation with the physical violence of the immediate neighborhood de- mphasizes the structural violence the broader society has inflicted on such neighbor- hoods. Racism, economic dislocation, and even bureaucratic insensitivity are mentioned, but the violent nature of community life is the story line. Kotlowitz cares for the boys he studied; he continues to visit them and pays for their private schooling. In the book's preface, Kotlowitz notes that the children's mother, LaJoe, had a hope, which Kotlowitz shared, that a "book about the children would make us all hear, that it would make us all stop and listen."37 His work therefore represents an attempt to overcome the silences that surround the deterioration of poor inner-city neighbor- hoods. Yet Kotlowitz's uncontextualized and close reading of the psychic costs of growing up in a violent neighborhood allows his work to be ap- propriated by white readers to tell other stories. They are free to use it for self-rationalizations that reinforce stereotypical notions about poor inner- city African Americans. Kotlowitz's narrative tells white audiences what they are already predisposed to hear-depravity persists in the inner city."' The white outside observer chronicles the inside of the alien black culturewith- out suggesting how the outside is implicated in constructing the inside. bell hooks provides an important point about the need of even the pro- gressive, antiracist white documentarian to identity himself and the posi- tion he adopts: "As critical intervention it allows for the recognition that progressive white people who are anti-racist might be able to understand the way in which their cultural practice reiriscribes white supremacy with- out promoting paralyzing guilt or denial . William Julius Wilson's most recentwork builds on his earlier The Truly Disadvantaged.40 This time, Wilson uses survey data and in-depth ethno-graphic studies of amilies in Chicago to make the case that racism and eco- nomic dislocation have contributed to the persistence of inner-city poverty. Yet a culture of resignation and resistance among some poor persons, par- ticularly some young African American males, preventsthem from mak- ing the most of the few opportunities that are available." The connection between the story and the conclusion is not obvious. The telling of the tale is taken by itself as justifying the conclusion. The lure of ethnography is the power of its narrative. To narrate lives is the privilege to say what they mean. Narrative becomes self-legitimating, especially through retelling. Wilson's often-repeated narrative is about how the loss of middle-class role models has allowed many poor inner-city African American youths to forgo com- mitting themselves to the world of work and achievement. Yet it is surely possible to tell other stories about these same individuals- stories that stress even the persistence of role models in the face of grinding poverty.'

Alternative is to contest discourse and its workings must be done to understand the fundamental problems of modernity and improve the world.

Leonard, School of Social Work, 1997. Peter Leonard, School of Social Work at McGill. 1997. Postmodern Welfare p. 51-52

Unpacking the notion of organization as discourse leads us back to the distinction we made earlier between structure and process. If we focus on organization as process, then we can see [organization] as reactive or remedial, existing only in relation to disorganization. Organization is thus the means by which unity and continuity are privileged and conflict and discontinuity denied or bracketed off as “problematic.” Once again, we see that modernity’s “principle of non-contradiction” enables such denial to take place, rather than contradiction being incorporated into a conception of organization as process. A central contradiction in the process or organization is that of the struggle between organization and its subject. If we see organization as a discursive text which inscribes humans, constituting their subject positions as welfare recipients, hospital patients, or therapy clients, then we can acknowledge that such inscription always takes place in a context of resistance, subversion and contestation. A text, as we have argued in the previous chapter, is always open to reinterpretation because the authority of the author is continuously disputed as new meanings emerge. If, as I have argued, organization constitutes subject positions, though always in a context of resistance, then we must put aside the humanist pessimism which underpinned Weber’s picture of modern organization as deforming and alienating a prior, essential human subject through imprisonment in the iron cage of bureaucracy. Subjects are constructed we are arguing, in discourses, including discourse of organization in a way that enables a subject’s actions to become meaningful, a mode of objectification that provides the ground where power/resistance takes a beneficial turn and can lead to the empowerment of the subject. Such empowerment is not easily gained, of course, because resistance to the power of dominant discourse is everywhere opposed, and we can


assume that organization will attempt to suppress and eliminate resistance through the various techniques of subjectification (diagnosis, classification, exclusive professional language, surveillance, medication, and therapy) which organization has available. But power/resistance may be seen as operating not only at a conscious level. In previous work I have drawn on psychoanalytic theory to provide an understanding of both the internalization of ideology and unconscious resistance, as similar Althusser draws on Lacau in order to explain the subject’s identification with dominant discourses. In attempting to understand more fully the relationship between modern organization and subject, it would be necessary, using a similar set of ideas, to explore the interaction of desire, identification, internalization and resistance at the level of unconscious.